Having done a fairly comprehensive study and a research on the forces molding India as it tries to balance inflexible traditions of the past with an abrupt modernizing present, Kenosis has understood that India has enormous opportunities as well as colossal challenges, for the spread of the gospel. India remains a mystery to quite a few in the West.

 It is poised to become the world’s third largest economy within a generation, surpassing Japan. It will go beyond China in population by 2032 and will have more English speakers than the United States by 2050. India is a land of many contradictions.

The booming tech sector provides occupation to no more than one million of India’s 1.1 billion people. Only 35 million people, in fact, have confirmed jobs, while three-quarters of the country lives in terminal starvation in India’s 600,000 villages. Yet in the midst of all these extremes exists the world’s largest experimentation of representative democracy- and a mostly successful one, in spite of bureaucracies punctured with nauseating nepotism.India is an economic rival to the U.S. in a totally distinct sense than China is. There is nothing in 

India like the manufacturing magnitude of China, despite the massive labor force. An out of place system of public education leaves most Indians uneducated and untrained. Yet at the other extreme, the middle class produces ten times as many engineering students a year as the United States. Yet its future as a significant competitor in a globalized economy, the American administration have been very supportive of India’s rise, even welcoming it into the nuclear energy club, hoping to balance China’s influence in Asia. Modern emerging India negotiates between its tradition of the past and its high-speed race toward modernity and innovation of the world’s largest democracy.

India’s IT boom, political corruption, imposing poverty, and limitless population, modern emerging India is in a position to rival China and the United States as a global player. Kenosis has also studied in quite some detail how modern India’s politics, religion, and culture have shaped the country’s economic, technological, and academic growth. Recent episodes of Caste-related violence in India have adversely affected the Dalit community. In urban India, discrimination against Dalits in the public sphere is largely disappeared, but rural Dalits are struggling to elevate themselves. Government organizations and NGO's work to emancipate them from discrimination, and many Hindu organizations have spoken in their favor. While the Indian Constitution has duly made special provisions for the social and economic uplift of the Dalits, comprising the so-called scheduled castes and tribes in order to enable them to achieve upward social mobility, these concessions are limited to only those Dalits who remain Hindu. There is a demand among the Dalits who have converted to other religions that the statutory benefits should be extended to them as well, to "overcome" and bring closure to historical injustices.

A major politically charged issue with the rise of Hindutva's role in Indian politics is that of religious conversion. This political movement alleges that conversions of Dalits are due not to any social or theological motivation but to allurements like education and jobs. Kenosis argues against laws banning conversion, and the limiting of social relief for backward sections of Indian society being revoked for those who convert. Another political issue Kenosis stands for is over the affirmative measures taken by the government towards the uplift of the Dalits by implementation of quotas in government jobs and university admissions aimed at improving Dalit representation. About 8% of the seats in the National and State Parliaments are reserved for Scheduled Caste and Tribe candidates, a measure sought by Bahujan political leader and the chief architect of the Indian Constitution, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar (1891—1956) and other Dalit activists in order to ensure that Dalits would obtain a proportionate political voice. Article 17 of the Indian Constitution, abolishes untouchability. Ever since, under the aegis of the Constitution of India, a 'Reservation System' (privilege in education and other services given only to the Dalits) has been implemented for the benefit of the 'Dalits' which is a step towards affirmative action. The terms scheduled castes/scheduled tribes (SC/ST) and non-caste tribes are also used in the Indian legal system to refer to this social group in India.

Anti-Dalit prejudices exist in fringe groups, such as extremist far-right militia Ranvir Sena, largely run by upper-caste landlords in backward areas of Bihar. They oppose equal treatment of Dalits and have resorted to violent means to suppress them. On the other side, extremist groups run by small minority of Dalits such as the "Dalit Panthers Movement" have committed violent acts against Brahmins and middle-caste people.

In urban areas and some villages a rigid caste system and untouchability usually no longer exists, though most Indians still voluntarily hold on to their caste origins, which is intended to reflect a sense of pride in the duties and responsibilities as required by the caste rules. In matrimonial matters, whether the wed couple is Dalit or non-Dalit, caste identity is a practical near-must, although this also is changing.

Dr. Ambedkar never used the word "dalit". He has used the phrase "Depressed Classes" consistently in all his writing and speeches. It is totally improbable that Ambedkar borrowed this term from Swami Vivekananda from his quote, "Deena-Dalita-Dukhi Devo Bhava!" ("Service to the weak, the down- trodden and the suffering masses itself is the worship of God") (Sevabharati.net) The earliest rejection of discrimination, at least in spiritual matters, was made as far back as the Bhagavada Gita, which says that no person, no matter what, is barred from enlightenment. In the 1991 census, Dalits numbered just over 130 million and constituted more than 16% of India’s population.

The word 'Dalit(a)' comes from the Indo-Aryan root dal, and means 'held under check', 'suppressed', or 'crushed', or, in a looser sense, 'oppressed'. Historically, there may not have been clear demarcation between Dalit castes and the Shudra castes. Dalits are not a single identifiable race or caste. Instead, like the rest of the Hindu society, they are divided into various subcastes known as jatis. One study found some association between caste status and Y-chromosomal genetic markers seeming to indicate a more European lineage of the higher castes. However, there have been other studies done to indicate no racial and genetic differences between upper and lower castes. Many sociologists, anthropologists and historians have rejected the racial origins and racial emphasis of caste and consider the idea to be one that has political undertones. Traditionally, Dalits were not allowed to let their shadows fall upon a non-Dalit caste member and they were required to sweep the ground where they walk to remove the 'contamination' of their footmarks. Dalits were forbidden to worship in temples or draw water from the same wells as caste Hindus, and they usually lived in segregated neighborhoods outside the main village. However, there have been cases of upper caste Hindus warming to the Dalits and Hindu priests, demoted to outcaste ranks, who continued practising the religion. An example of the latter was Dnyaneshwar, who was excommunicated into Dalit status from society in the 13th century, but continued to compose the Dnyaneshwari, a Dharmic commentary on the Bhagwad Gita. Other excommunicated Brahmins, such as Eknath, fought for the rights of untouchables during the Bhakti movements of the medieval period.

In the 19th Century, the Brahmo Samaj under Ram Mohan Roy, actively campaigned against untouchability. The Arya Samaj founded by Swami Dayanand also renounced discrimination against Dalits.Sri Ramakrishna Paramahamsa founded the Ramakrishna Mission that participated in the emancipation of Dalits. Upper caste Hindus, such as Mannathu Padmanabhan also participated in movements to abolish Untouchability against Dalits, opening his family temple for Dalits to worship. The 1930s saw key struggles between Mahatma Gandhi and B.R. Ambedkar, most notably over whether Dalits would have separate electorates or joint electorates with reserved seats. Harijan was a term for untouchable, coined by Mahatma Gandhi, which means Children of God — Hari is another name for the god Vishnu. It is now considered patronising and condescending. Calling a person 'Harijan' is now a punishable offence in India.

The Indian National Congress was the only national organisation with a large Dalit following, but Gandhi failed to gain their commitment. Gandhi however, continued to spread his cause for uplifting the Dalits and began the Harijan padyatras. Ambedkar, a Dalit himself, developed a deeper analysis of Untouchability, but lacked a workable political strategy: his conversion to Buddhism in 1956, along with millions of followers, highlighted the failure of his political endeavours. In more contemporary times, India has had an elected Dalit president, K. R. Narayanan, who has stated that he was well-treated a community of largely upper-caste Hindus.

Christian Dalits

 In Goa, mass conversions were conducted by Portuguese missionaries from the 16th century onwards. Hindu converts often retained their caste prejudices. Without understanding Christian belief existing social stratification was often left unaffected. The Portuguese colonists, despite their violent anti-Hindu iconoclasm, were unable to destroy all aspects of the indigenous culture. Thus, the Dalits who converted to Christianity were still treated with prejudice. Attempts by Christian Missionaries to convert Dalits to Christianity continue. The Constitution of India guarantees religious freedom and the right to choose one's religion. However, controversies related to mass-conversions have led to laws being passed against such events in some Indian states. Occasionally Christian converts return to Hinduism, there are allegations that some of those conversions are coerced under threats.

A 1992 study of Catholics in Tamil Nadu found some Dalit Christians faced segregated churches, cemeteries, and even services. Despite Christian teachings these Dalit also faced economic and social hardships due to discrimination by upper-caste priests and nuns.

A Christian faith that is not authentic and true to the Gospel of the Kingdom as preached and taught by Jesus will not be enough for the Dalits. A careful evaluation of the ministry model followed within the Kenosis is critically important for the credibility of the Gospel in today's India. It is important to ask the hard questions. It is through this that we can do our part to aid genuine Dalit freedom and emancipation, while at the same time answering the probing questions of our Dalit friends regarding the integrity and quality of our work. For our Dalit friends, Jesus is the only way. Abused by their landlords, they do not earn much and have to work like slaves just to pay their rent. On average they may get 60 rupees [US$1.40] per day. Men might get 75 rupees [US$1.75] per day and women may get 45-50 rupees [US$1.05-$1.17]. But they have to work like slaves. Although they have accepted Christ, they are still going through the same oppression. But they do realize, even with all their problems, there is a day God has designed when they will enjoy peace. they still weep and cry, because they are abused and misused. Jesus is the only one who can liberate them from this kind of slavery. When our Dalit friends really understand this message, they come to Christ the liberator.